Senator Doug Jones, the Democrat who was an unwitting beneficiary of misinformation tactics during a special election in Alabama in 2017, asked the Federal Election Commission on Wednesday to investigate the episodes.
Mr. Jones made his formal request for an inquiry more than three weeks after The New York Times detailed one of the clandestine efforts in which Democrats employed Russian-style digital deception while Alabama was locked in one of its most competitive campaigns in memory.
“Such deceptive tactics have no place in American politics and must be repudiated by those involved in our political system,” Mr. Jones wrote in a letter to Ellen L. Weintraub, a Democratic member of the commission.
Neither Mr. Jones nor his campaign is believed to have known about, much less approved of, any of the deception. Mr. Jones had quickly pledged to seek an inquiry, but his notarized letter on Wednesday, which also cited reporting by The Washington Post, represented his first formal step in support of an investigation by the commission.
The secret effort that first drew Mr. Jones’s concern — and a wave of criticism from Democrats and Republicans alike — included the creation of a Facebook page that stirred support for a conservative write-in candidate during Mr. Jones’s race against Roy S. Moore, the Republican nominee. The surreptitious tactics also included what an internal report called a false flag operation to make it appear as if an army of Russian accounts were following Mr. Moore on Twitter.
That overall effort, which cost 0,000, was underwritten through an intermediary by Reid Hoffman, a co-founder of LinkedIn. Mr. Hoffman apologized last month but said he had not sanctioned the tactics that were used in Alabama. Instead, he said he had been trying to support “organizations trying to re-establish civic, truth-focused discourse” and had not been aware of the deceptive work during the 2017 campaign.
“I categorically disavow the use of misinformation to sway an election,” said Mr. Hoffman, who added that he “would not have knowingly funded a project planning to use such tactics, and would have refused to invest in any organization that I knew might conduct such a project.”
In his statement, Mr. Hoffman said an inquiry of the kind Mr. Jones suggested was “a good idea.”
A separate effort, which The Times reported on Monday, involved a group of progressive Democrats who pretended to support a new era of Prohibition in Alabama — and suggested that Mr. Moore would support such a ban. The idea behind the “Dry Alabama” tactics, people involved in the effort said, was to drive a wedge between Mr. Moore and business-oriented conservatives, who would perhaps redirect their support to Mr. Jones.
Those tactics, which also cost 0,000, were funded by two donors from Virginia who wanted to defeat Mr. Moore, a former Alabama Supreme Court chief justice who was accused of pursuing sexual relationships with underage girls when he was a young prosecutor in northeast Alabama. Mr. Moore has denied any misconduct.
Although the organizers and executors of the projects were different, money for both efforts was funneled through Investing in Us, which finances political operations in support of progressive causes. Dmitri Mehlhorn, the group’s managing partner, declined to comment on Wednesday.
One activist who was involved in the alcohol-related efforts, Matt Osborne, said this month that he wanted to see deceptive tactics forbidden in American politics. But he also argued that until they were banned, Democrats had to match the efforts he believed that Republicans relied upon.
“If you don’t do it, you’re fighting with one hand tied behind your back,” said Mr. Osborne, a writer and consultant who lives outside Florence, Ala. “You have a moral imperative to do this — to do whatever it takes.”
But in his letter on Wednesday, Mr. Jones, a former United States attorney in Birmingham, argued that the tactics might have violated the Federal Election Campaign Act. He requested “a thorough investigation” and said the commission should, if any laws were broken, “impose the maximum penalties allowed.”
“It is imperative to send a clear message that these disinformation tactics will not be tolerated and will be punished to the fullest extent of the law,” Mr. Jones wrote.
It remains unclear how much the tactics influenced voters in Alabama. But the alcohol-related effort was seen widely, according to statistics Mr. Osborne said he had received: 4.6 million views of Facebook posts, and 97,000 engagements, such as “liking” posts.
The race, including the primaries, drew more than million in spending. More than 1.3 million ballots were cast in the general election, and Mr. Jones defeated Mr. Moore by 21,924 votes.
Mr. Jones is expected to seek a full term next year, and he is considered one of the most vulnerable Senate incumbents. But Democratic and Republican strategists and officials in Alabama believe that, for now, the revelation of the misinformation efforts has not substantially imperiled Mr. Jones’s prospects for re-election. His status as a Democrat, they said, remained his largest liability in a state with a deep allegiance to the Republican Party.
“He still has plausible deniability,” Elizabeth BeShears, a Republican communications consultant in Birmingham who came across one of the “Dry Alabama” ads, said in an interview over the weekend. “These were outside groups, and there were dozens of outside groups that were involved in this race. You want help wherever you can get it, but you don’t always know where that help is coming from.”B:
今晚11期开什么码“【你】【且】【稍】【歇】，【他】【交】【给】【我】【来】【对】【付】。”【封】【一】【城】【道】。 “【小】【心】，【他】【比】【京】【城】【之】【中】【的】【姜】【晨】【更】【强】。”【龙】【易】【道】。 “【知】【道】【了】。” 【封】【一】【城】【持】【剑】【而】【上】。 【轰】【隆】，【茫】【茫】【雪】【山】【之】【间】【传】【来】【激】【烈】【的】【碰】【撞】【之】【声】。 【山】【中】【风】【雪】【越】【来】【越】【大】。 【一】【人】【风】【雪】【之】【中】【独】【行】。 【他】【停】【住】【了】【脚】【步】，【似】【乎】【是】【听】【到】【了】【什】【么】【声】【音】，【然】【后】【改】【变】【了】【前】【进】【的】【方】【向】，【速】【度】
【随】【着】【两】【个】【女】【人】【的】【走】【近】，【她】【们】【的】【谈】【话】【都】【飘】【进】【王】【彩】【虹】【的】【耳】【中】，【她】【听】【的】【心】【惊】【胆】【跳】，【呼】【吸】【都】【在】【发】【抖】。 “【知】【道】【因】【为】【啥】【抓】【他】【们】【吗】？” “【你】【还】【记】【得】【之】【前】【那】【个】【通】【缉】【犯】【叫】【陈】【啥】【的】【吗】？【他】【跑】【去】【农】【村】【杀】【人】，【结】【果】【被】【人】【家】【抓】【住】【了】，【他】【指】【认】【王】【玉】【柱】【父】【女】【和】【他】【是】【同】【伙】！” “【我】【的】【天】，【王】【玉】【柱】【那】【闺】【女】【看】【着】【文】【文】【静】【静】【的】，【竟】【然】【胆】【子】【这】【么】【大】？”
“【老】【大】【他】【居】【然】【是】【一】【个】【一】【星】【炼】【丹】【师】？【真】【是】【太】【恐】【怖】【了】！” 【秦】【明】【嘴】【巴】【越】【张】【越】【大】，【简】【直】【能】【塞】【下】【一】【个】【鸡】【蛋】【了】。 【他】【没】【想】【到】，【这】【张】【尘】【风】【不】【仅】【实】【力】【那】【么】【强】。 【在】【丹】【道】【一】【途】【上】【也】【取】【得】【了】【如】【此】【傲】【人】【的】【成】【绩】！ “【不】【可】【能】！【一】【定】【是】【假】【的】！【假】【的】！” 【古】【然】【的】【脸】【上】，【逐】【渐】【涌】【现】【出】【狰】【狞】【之】【色】。 【看】【来】，【他】【被】【张】【尘】【风】【打】【击】【得】【不】【成】【样】【子】，
【湖】【南】【卫】【视】【苏】【宁】【易】【购】【嗨】【爆】【夜】【倒】【计】【时】1【天】，【陆】【陆】【续】【续】【的】【晚】【会】【节】【目】【单】【和】【组】【合】【阵】【容】【都】【会】【在】【这】【具】【体】【爆】【出】，【但】【主】【持】【团】【队】【大】【家】【却】【并】【没】【有】【特】【别】【期】【待】，【这】【是】【为】【什】【么】【呢】？【有】【不】【少】【网】【友】【表】【示】，【每】【年】【都】【是】【那】【几】【个】【人】【实】【在】【是】【没】【什】【么】【悬】【念】【可】【期】【待】。今晚11期开什么码2004【年】9【月】1【日】，【满】【载】【荣】【誉】【的】【谢】【候】【回】【到】【美】【国】。 【机】【场】，【早】【早】【得】【到】【消】【息】【的】【媒】【体】【们】【成】【群】【结】【队】【地】【围】【在】【这】【里】。【去】【年】【比】【现】【在】【更】【早】【的】【时】【候】，【谢】【候】【刚】【到】【印】【第】【安】【纳】【波】【利】【斯】，【来】【这】【里】【等】【候】【他】【的】【记】【者】【媒】【体】【只】【有】【迎】【接】【雪】【薇】·【穆】【斯】【图】【的】【零】【头】，【而】【现】【在】，【人】【数】【多】【了】【好】【几】【倍】。 【带】【领】【中】【国】【队】【夺】【冠】【之】【后】，【他】【登】【上】【了】《【时】【代】【周】【刊】》【的】【封】【面】，【对】【比】【的】【是】
【金】【秋】【八】【月】【季】【节】，【在】【秋】【天】【之】【中】，【张】【三】【可】【谓】【是】【烦】【恼】【无】【比】。 【三】【个】【小】【家】【伙】【太】【不】【让】【人】【省】【心】【了】，【大】【的】【如】【今】【也】【已】【经】【三】【岁】【了】，【两】【个】【小】【的】【也】【快】【两】【岁】【了】，【但】【就】【是】【不】【懂】【事】，【每】【天】【张】【三】【都】【被】【烦】【的】【不】【要】【不】【要】【的】。 “【爹】【爹】，【爹】【爹】。”【婉】【兮】【进】【来】【了】，【还】【没】【进】【来】【多】【久】【就】【走】【了】。 【婉】【兮】【这】【边】【刚】【走】，【静】【姝】【就】【喊】【着】【进】【来】【了】，【静】【姝】【走】【了】【就】【是】【木】【清】，【三】【个】【小】【家】